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Life Onboard LAST UPDATE  July 19, 2005
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September 9, 2004 Q&A on East Asia Security and the UN - Kawabe Ichiro
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Kawabe Ichiro's UN policy lecture
Kawabe Ichiro, an expert on United Nation affairs and Japan's foreign policy, joined Peace Boat from Belfast to New York City to offer participants insights into the current state of UN and Asian politics. Kawabe, an Associate Professor at Aichi University, has published several books on those topics in Japanese. His latest book, "UN Policy" (2004), is an analysis of the United State's UN policy from a historical context. Peace Boat's web writer Tim Wagner caught up with a busy Kawabe between talks on the ship and Global University sessions.
Peace Boat:
What is the greatest challenge that the UN faces today?

Kawabe:
There is a crisis of Internationalism and emerging intolerance, especially in the United States and Japan. International organizations like the UN stand for various philosophical, ideological or political ideas. Namely, war should not be permitted, discrimination should be discouraged and colonies should gain independence. These principles were revolutionary slogans for people coming from the 19th century.

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Kawabe Ichiro's UN policy lecture
From another point of view, International organizations in the 19th century, such as the Universal Postal Union, were called "International Administration Unions." They weren't political and most of them refused to join under the League of Nations umbrella, because it was too political. So the birth of political International organizations was a result of political willingness and such willingness is strongly connected to ideals that are often called American. The symbol of this was the creation of the General Assembly, where every member state is present. This meant the UN was created as a democratic body and to criticize that type of forum, especially the General Assembly, is a kind of ideological argument against America. This is the reason that when some countries disagree with the US - which thinks of itself as a champion of democracy - they are called "rogue states" by the US. If such countries were not labeled "rogue," the US could not violate the democratic forum of the General Assembly. So in other words, the UN faces a crisis of democracy.

Peace Boat:
How effective is the UN in mediating conflicts and creating peace?

Kawabe:
It is very effective as long as member states, especially powerful states like the US, cooperate with the majority. But as long as such countries refuse justice and democracy, the UN's role is very limited.

Peace Boat:
Is the UN's peacekeeping ability being impaired by America's unilateral war in Iraq as some argue?

Kawabe:
Not only peace-keeping ,but also the whole of the UN system is impaired. But this is not a new situation. The history of this kind can be traced back to the start of the Regan presidency. Peace-keeping can actually be viewed as less impaired than other abilities, especially in economic and social fields. Problems having to do with shared information prompted the creation of different bodies to deal with them, UNESCO and the International Criminal Court are well-known examples.

Peace Boat:
What do you think is Japan's role in the future of the UN and international diplomacy?

Kawabe:
Japan is a strong supporter of the US, not only under the Bush administration, but also under a potential Kerry administration. I am sorry to say this, but as long as the Japan's current internal political situation remains the same and Japanese, namely most of the so-called academics and critics, do not know what their government does in the UN, this support will not change. Generally speaking, Japanese are much more interested in international affairs than Americans, but not their own foreign policy.

Peace Boat:
In what way do the negotiations between South and North Korea effect Japan?

Kawabe:
This is also a difficult question to answer. After the September 17th, 2002 talks between Japan's Prime Minister Koizumi and North Korea's Kim Jung Il, North Korea's abductions of Japanese civilians became public and Japan's tendency toward conservatism has become stronger than ever. In this regard, I call this change Japan's September 11th and the effects of this still remain now. As result of this, most Japanese support their government in pushing the Bush administration to get tougher against North Korea. And Bush's decision to include North Korea in his list of terrorist countries is generally supported by most of the Japanese media. Needless to say, I do not support the situation in North Korea, Japan's political situation is better than other Asian counties. So I do not expect such an atmosphere to change drastically, even if the negotiations reach some agreement. Regarding this, supporters of Bush should know that his administration is supported by the Japanese government, which has a neo-Nazi tendency and is criticized by democratic countries.

Peace Boat:
What are the possible outcomes of the six country talks over North Korea?

Kawabe:
No parties wish for the collapse of North Korea. It will have huge consequences over not only East Asian countries, but also Russia. China might face a serious situation, both politically and economically. South Korea's economic growth will be unavoidably set back a great deal and Japan also many get refugees from North Korea. The best resolution expected is : (1) Giving a US security guarantee to North Korea (2) North Korea renouncing nuclear weapons 3) Promotion of gradual economic and political reform of North Korea. The order of one and two, though, is still very controversial.

Peace Boat:
How do you think Japan can achieve a stable relationship with both sides of Korea?

Kawabe:
Overcoming nostalgia for its militarist days is most important. Secondly, establishment of an adequate watch by civil society over the Korean political process is needed very much. But dialogue between the two communities should be set on the top of any list.

Published Works:
Kawabe Ichiro's major works are "UN and Japan" (1994), "Permanent Membership in Security Council" (1994), "Japan's Foreign Policy and Ministry of Foreign Affairs" (2002).

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